Bali Fantasy Pages

Restriction 11I. As noted earlier, values on the religious auspiciousness of endogamous daughters reflect the structural basis of a system built around outmarriagel family marriage. In general, insiders are superior to outsiders. This logic can be re. applied within an ancestor-group to differentiate varieties of cousin unions. The restriction in question views first-cousin (misan) marriage as less desirable in a practical sense than a second-cousin (mindon) marriage. Somewhat paradoxically, it idealizes first-cousin marriage as the most sacred union and its offspring as superior to those of a second-cousin marriage. First-cousin marriage is valued over secondcousin marriage in a sacred (dangerous) sense; therefore, a second-cousin union is preferred over a first-cousin union when the latter is reserved for special groups or individuals.

This complex of secondary restrictions on the preference for first-cousin unions has been repeatedly documented. A patriparallel-first-cousin marriage is considered sacred and dangerous (panas). Korn cites these traditions:

The rest of the Balinese people is accordingly divided. Following one part of society it is best to marry a misan, the other half disapproves such a marriage unless one is of royal blood, since it is not altogether lucky. Marriages with mindons were generally recommended, with ming tigas the children of mindons again were disapproved, but could be solemnized following a special offering (1932).
Likewise, Bateson and Mead remark about the mountain area in which they worked:
Patents endeavor (usually without success, except in the high-caste families) to make their children marry cousins. In the plains villages, the preferred marriage is with the father's brother's child, but in Bayung Gde (village I this marriage is regarded as incestuous and the preferred marriage is with a patrilineal second cousin of own generation (1942, my italics).

Moreover, Belo alludes to a possible negative evaluation of cousin marriage (1960). Esoteric manuscripts discuss these aspects of cousin marriage; current jingles proclaim the first cousin, especially on the male side (misan pihak perusa), dangerous to marry. The popular tendency opposes patriparallel second-cousin marriage to first-cousin marriage as a relatively safer union. It is said first-cousin unions can produce marital discord, afflicted offspring, and the same pernicious psychological consequences noted earlier when individual love is denied.
There are two possible speculative explanations for this optional preference for second-cousin marriage. One is the conceivable strategical advantage as a counter to persistent ancestor-group factionalism. In Bali, any such group is a fragile union because variably ranked sons have different responsibilities in maintaining costly ancestral shrines, and population growth exerts pressure on lands and paddy. Second-
cousin marriages can reforge the collateral lines of the group precisely where

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